In his will, dated 7th October 1376, he lists:
Philippa his dear consort, late Queenof England,
His future heir Richard, son of Edward Prince of Wales his eldest son,
Joanna late wife ot the aforesaid Edward his eldest son,
His dear daughter Isabel countess of Bedford
His son John King of Castile and Leon and Duke of Lancaster.

From St John Hope's "Garter Stall Plates", Frontispiece, pub 1901:

Arms: France ancient and England quarterly.

Crest: (none)
_____________________________________________

Accession in 1327 to 1340: Arms of England - Great Seals 1 to 3

1340 for rest of reign: Azure semy of fleurs de lys, “France ancient” and England quarterly - Great Seals 4 to 8, to end of reign.

St John Hope's "Garter Stall Plates", Frontispiece, pub 1901:

“Catalogue of Seals” by  W de G Birch pub by the British Museum in 1887, vol I, pp. 21 to 28.

Edward III 1312-1377

Name: Edward III
Dates: 1312-1377
Active Date: 1352
Gender: Male

Field of Interest: Royalty and Society
Occupation: King
Place of
    Birth: Windsor Castle
    Death: Sheen
    Burial: Westminster Abbey
Spouse: Philippa of Hainault
Sources: Joshua Barnes's Life of Edward III, a learned
work...
Contributor: W. H. [WILLIAM HUNT]

Article
Edward III 1312-1377, king, eldest son of Edward II and Isabella,
daughter of Philip IV of France, was born at Windsor Castle on 13 Nov.
1312, and was baptised on the 16th. His uncle, Prince Lewis of France,
and other Frenchmen at the court wished that he should be named Lewis,
but the English lords would not allow it. The king, who is said to have
been consoled by his birth for the loss of Gaveston (TROKELOWE, p. 79),
gave him the counties of Chester and Flint, and he was summoned to
parliament as Earl of Chester in 1320. He never bore the title of Prince of
Wales. His tutor was Richard de Bury [q.v.], afterwards bishop of
Durham. In order to avoid doing homage to Charles IV of France the king
transferred the county of Ponthieu to him on 2 Sept. 1325, and the duchy
of Aquitaine on the 10th (Federa, ii. 607, 608). He sailed from Dover on
the 12th, joined his mother in France, and did homage to his uncle for his
French fiefs (Cont. WILL. OF NANGIS, ii. 60). He accompanied his mother to
Hainault, and visited the court of Count William at Valenciennes in the
summer of 1326 (FROISSART, i. 23, 233). Isabella entered into an agreement
on 27 Aug. to forward the marriage of her son to Philippa, the count's
daughter (FROISSART, ed. Luce, Pref. cl). Edward landed with his mother
and the force of Hainaulters and others that she had engaged to help her
on 27 Sept. at Colvasse, near Harwich, and accompanied her on her march
towards London by Bury St. Edmunds, Cambridge, and Dunstable. Then,
hearing that the king had left London, the queen turned westwards, and
at Oxford Edward heard Bishop Orlton preach his treasonable sermon
[see under Adam of Orlton]. From Oxford he was taken to Wallingford and
Gloucester, where the queen's army was joined by many lords. Thence
the queen marched to Berkeley, and on 26 Oct. to Bristol. The town was
surrendered to her, and the next day Hugh Despenser the elder [q.v.] was
put to death, and Edward was proclaimed guardian of the kingdom in the
name of his father and during his absence (Federa, ii. 646). On the 28th
he issued writs for a parliament in the king's name. When the parliament
met at Westminster on 7 Jan. 1327 the king was a prisoner, and an oath
was taken by the prelates and lords to uphold the cause of the queen and
her son. On the 13th Orlton demanded whether they would have the king
or his son to reign over them. The next day Edward was chosen, and was
presented to the people in Westminster Hall (W. DENE, Anglia Sacra, i.
367; for fuller accounts of this revolution see STUBBS, Chron. of Edwards I
and II, vol. ii. Introd., and Const. Hist. ii. 358 sq.). As Edward declared that
he would not accept the crown without his father's consent, the king was
forced to agree to his own deposition.
The new king's peace was proclaimed on 24 Jan.; he was knighted by
his cousin Henry, earl of Lancaster, and was crowned on Sunday, the
29th (Federa, ii. 684). He met his parliament on 3 Feb.; a council was
appointed for him, and the chief member of it was Lancaster, who was the
young king's nominal guardian. All real power, however, was in the
hands of the queen and Mortimer, and for the next four years Edward was
entirely governed by them (AVESBURY, p. 7). Isabella obtained so
enormous a settlement that the king was left with only a third of the
revenues of the crown (MURIMUTH, p. 53). Peace was made with France on
31 March; both kings were to restore whatever had been seized during
time of peace, and Edward bound himself to pay fifty thousand marks to
the French king (Federa, ii. 700). Although negotiations were on foot for
a permanent peace with Scotland, both countries prepared for war, and
on 5 April the king ordered all who owed him service to meet at
Newcastle on 29 May (ib. 702). He marched with his mother to York, where
he was joined by Sir John of Hainault and a body of Flemish. While he
was holding a feast on Trinity Sunday a fierce quarrel broke out between
the Hainaulters and the English archers, in which many were slain on
both sides (JEHAN LE BEL, i. 39; FROISSART, i. 45). The truce was actually
broken by the Scots, who invaded the northern counties under
Randolph, earl of Moray, and Douglas. Edward marched from York to
Durham without gaining any tidings of the enemy, though he everywhere
beheld signs of the devastation they had wrought. He crossed the Tyne,
hoping to intercept the Scots on their return. After remaining a week on
the left bank of the river without finding the enemy, he ordered his
troops, who had suffered much from constant rain, to recross the river. At
last an esquire named Thomas Rokesby brought him news of the enemy
and led the army to the place where they were encamped, a service for
which the king knighted him and gave him 100l. a year (Federa, ii. 717).
The Scots, twenty-four thousand in number, occupied so strong a
position on the right bank of the Wear that Edward, though at the head
of sixty-two thousand men, did not dare to cross the river and attack
them. It was therefore decided, as they seemed to be cut off from
returning to their country, to starve them into leaving their position and
giving battle. Early in the morning of the fourth day it was discovered that
they had decamped. Edward followed them and found them even more
strongly posted than before at Stanhope Park. Again the English
encamped in front of them, and the first night after Edward's arrival
Douglas, at the head of a small party, surprised the camp, penetrated to
the king's tent, cut some of the cords, and led his men back with little loss
(BRIDLINGTON, p. 96; JEHAN LE BEL, i. 67; FROISSART, i. 68, 279). After the two
armies had faced each other for fifteen days or more the Scots again
decamped by night, and Edward gave up all hope of cutting off their
retreat or forcing them to fight. His army was unable to move with the
same rapidity as the Scots, who were unencumbered with baggage; he
was altogether outmaneuvred, and led his troops back to York, much
chagrined with the ill success of his first military enterprise. He had to
pay 14,000l. to Sir John of Hainault for his help (Federa, ii. 708); he raised
money from the Bardi, Florentine bankers (ib. 712), received a twentieth
from the parliament that met at Lincoln on 15 Sept., and a tenth from the
clergy of Canterbury (KNIGHTON, c. 2552). The king's father was put to
death on 21 Sept. On 15 Aug. Edward wrote from York to John XXII for a
dispensation for his marriage with Philippa of Hainault, for his mother and
the Countess of Hainault were both grandchildren of Philip III of France
(Federa, ii. 712). The dispensation was granted; Philippa arrived in
London on 24 Dec., and the marriage was performed at York on 24 Jan.
1328 by William Melton, archbishop of York, the king being then little
more than fifteen, and his bride still younger. At the parliament held at
York on 1 March peace was made with Scotland, and the treaty was
confirmed in the parliament which met at Northampton on 24 April. By
this treaty Edward gave up all claims over the Scottish kingdom; a
marriage was arranged between his sister Joan and David, the heir of
King Robert; a perpetual alliance was made between the two kingdoms,
saving the alliance between Scotland and France, and the Scottish king
bound himself to pay Edward 20,000l. (4 May, ib. pp. 734, 740). The treaty
was held to be the work of Isabella and Mortimer, and was generally
condemned in England as shameful (AVESBURY, p. 7; WALSINGHAM, i. 192).
Isabella seems to have got hold of a large part of the money paid by the
Scottish king (Federa, ii. 770, 785). Edward now sent two representatives
to Paris to state his claim to the French throne, vacant by the death of
Charles IV. He claimed as the heir of Philip IV, through his mother,
Isabella. By the so-called Salic law Isabella and her heirs were barred from
the succession, and even supposing that, though females were barred,
they had nevertheless been held capable of transmitting a right to the
throne, Charles of Evreux, the son of Jeanne of Navarre, daughter of
Philip IV, would have had at least as good a claim as Edward. The throne
was adjudged to Philip of Valois, son of a younger brother of Philip IV.
The insolence and rapacity of the queen-mother and Mortimer gave deep
offence to the nobles, and the nation generally was scandalised at the
connection that was said to exist between them and enraged at the
dishonourable peace with Scotland. Lancaster, the head of the party
which held to the policy of the ‘ordainers’ of the last reign, and the chief
lord of the council, was denied access to the king, and found himself
virtually powerless. He determined to make a stand against the tyranny of
the favourite, and, hearing that Mortimer had come up to the parliament
at Salisbury on 24 Oct. with an armed retinue, declared that he would not
attend, and remained at Winchester under arms with some of his party.
His action was upheld by the king's uncles, the Earls of Kent and
Norfolk, by Stratford, bishop of Winchester, and others. Edward was
forced to adjourn the parliament till the following February, and Mortimer
wished him to march at once to Winchester against the earl. Shortly
afterwards the king rode with Mortimer and the queen to ravage the earl's
lands (W. DENE, Anglia Sacra, i. 369; KNIGHTON, c. 2557). Lancaster made
a confederation against the favourite at London on 2 Jan. 1329 (BARNES, p.
31), and marched with a considerable force to Bedford in the hope of
meeting him. Meanwhile his town of Leicester was surrendered to
Mortimer and the queen, and before long Kent and Norfolk withdrew
from him. Peace was made between the two parties by Mepeham,
archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord Beaumont and some other followers
of the earl were forced to take shelter in France.
Early in February messengers came from Philip VI of France to Edward
at Windsor, bidding him come and do homage for his French fiefs. He had
received a like summons the year before, and now he laid the matter
before the magnates assembled in parliament at Westminster. When they
decided that he should obey the summons he appointed a proctor to
declare that his homage did not prejudice his claim to the French crown.
On 26 May he sailed from Dover, leaving his brother John, earl of
Cornwall, as guardian of the kingdom (Federa, ii. 763, 764). He landed at
Whitsand, and thence went to Boulogne, and so to Montreuil, where
Philip's messengers met him and conducted him to Amiens. There Philip
awaited him with the kings of Bohemia, Navarre, and Majorca, and many
princes and lords whom he had invited to witness the ceremony. The
homage was done in the choir of Amiens Cathedral on 6 June, but the
ceremony could scarcely have pleased Philip, for Edward appeared in a
robe of crimson velvet worked with leopards in gold and wearing his
crown, sword, and spurs. Philip demanded liege homage, which was done
bareheaded and with ungirt sword. Edward refused this, and he was
forced to accept general homage on Edward's promise that on his return
he would search the records of his kingdom, and if liege homage was due
would send over an acknowledgment by letters patent. Then Edward
demanded restitution of certain lands that had been taken from his father.
To this Philip answered that they had been taken in war (meaning that
they did not come under the terms of the treaty of 1327), and that if
Edward had any cause of complaint he should bring it before the
parliament of Paris (ib. p. 765; Cont. WILL. OF NANGIS, ii. 107). Edward
returned to England on the 11th, well pleased with his visit and the
honour that had been done him, and at once proposed marriages
between his sister Eleanor and Philip's eldest son, and between his
brother John and a daughter of Philip (ib. pp. 766, 777); but these
proposals came to naught. Meanwhile Mortimer and Isabella had not
forgiven the attempt that had been made against them, and Mortimer is
said to have contrived a scheme which enabled him to accuse the Earl of
Kent of treason [for particulars see under Edmund of Woodstock]. The
earl was tried by his peers, unjustly condemned, and put to death on 19
March 1330, Isabella and Mortimer hastening on his execution for fear
that the king might interfere to prevent it, and, as it seems, giving the
order for it without the king's knowledge (KNIGHTON, c. 2557; BARNES, p.
41). On 4 March Queen Philippa was crowned, and on 15 June she bore
Edward his first-born child, Edward, afterwards called the Black Prince
[q.v.]. The birth of his son seems to have determined Edward to free
himself from the thraldom in which he was kept by his mother and her
favourite. When parliament met at Nottingham in October, Isabella and
Mortimer took up their abode in the castle, which was closely kept. The
king consulted with some of his friends, and especially with William
Montacute, how they might seize Mortimer. They, and the king with
them, entered the castle by night through an underground passage and
seized Mortimer and some of his party. He was taken to London,
condemned without trial by his peers as notoriously guilty of several
treasonable acts, and particularly of the death of the late king, and
hanged on 29 Nov. By the king's command the lords passed sentence on
Sir Simon Bereford, one of Mortimer's abettors, though they were not his
peers, and he also was hanged. A pension was allotted to the
queen-mother, and she was kept until her death in a kind of honourable
confinement at Castle Rising in Norfolk, where the king visited her every
year.
The overthrow of Mortimer made Edward at the age of eighteen a king
in fact as well as in name. In person he was graceful, and his face was ‘as
the face of a god’ (Cont. MURIMUTH, p. 226). His manners were courtly and
his voice winning. He was strong and active, and loved hunting, hawking,
the practice of knightly exercises, and, above all, war itself. Considerable
care must have been spent on his education, for he certainly spoke
English as well as French (FROISSART, i. 266 sq., 306, 324, 360, iv. 290, 326),
and evidently understood German. He was fearless in battle, and, though
over-fond of pleasure, was until his later years energetic in all his
undertakings. Although according to modern notions his ambition is to
be reckoned a grave defect in his character, it seemed in his day a kingly
quality. Nor were his wars undertaken without cause, or indeed,
according to the ideas of the time, without ample justification. His
attempts to bring Scotland under his power were at first merely a
continuation of an inherited policy that it would have been held shameful
to repudiate, and later were forced upon him by the alliance between that
country and France. And the French war was in the first instance
provoked by the aggressions of Philip, though Edward's assumption of
the title of king of France, a measure of political expediency, rendered
peace impossible. He was liberal in his gifts, magnificent in his doings,
profuse in his expenditure, and, though not boastful, inordinately
ostentatious. No sense of duty beyond what was then held to become a
knight influenced his conduct. While he was not wantonly cruel he was
hard-hearted; his private life was immoral, and his old age was
dishonoured by indulgence in a shameful passion. As a king he had no
settled principles of constitutional policy. Regarding his kingship mainly
as the means of raising the money he needed for his wars and his
pleasures, he neither strove to preserve prerogatives as the just rights of
the crown, nor yielded anything out of consideration for the rights or
welfare of his subjects. Although the early glories of his reign were
greeted with applause, he never won the love of his people; they
groaned under the effects of his extravagance, and fled at his coming lest
his officers should seize their goods. His commercial policy was
enlightened, and has won him the title of the ‘father of English commerce’
(HALLAM, Const. Hist. iii. 321), but it was mainly inspired by selfish
motives, and he never scrupled to sacrifice the interests of the English
merchants to obtain a supply of money or secure an ally. In foreign
politics he showed genius; his alliances were well devised and skilfully
obtained, but he seems to have expected more from his allies than they
were likely to do for him, for England still stood so far apart from
continental affairs that her alliance was not of much practical importance,
except commercially. As a leader in war Edward could order a battle and
inspire his army with his own confidence, but he could not plan a
campaign; he was rash, and left too much to chance. During the first part
of his reign he paid much attention to naval administration; he
successfully asserted the maritime supremacy of the country, and was
entitled by parliament the ‘king of the sea’ (Rot. Parl. ii. 311); he neglected
the navy in his later years. Little as the nation owed him in other
respects, his achievements by sea and land made the English name
respected. Apart from the story of these acts the chief interest of the reign
is foreign to the purpose of a biographical sketch; it consists in the
transition that it witnessed from mediæval to modern systems and ideas
(STUBBS, Const. Hist. ii. 375, which should be consulted for an estimate of
Edward's character). Parliament adopted its present division into two
houses, and in various points gradually gained on the prerogative. In
church matters, papal usurpations were met by direct and decisive
legislation, an anti-clerical party appeared, the wealth of the church was
attacked, and a protest was made against clerical administration. As
regards jurisdiction, the reign saw a separation between the judicial work
of the council and of the chancellor, who now began to act as an
independent judge of equity. Chivalry, already decaying, and feudalism,
already long decayed, received a deathblow from the use of gunpowder.
Other and wider social changes followed the ‘great pestilence’/an increase
in the importance of capital in trade and the rise of journeymen as a
distinct class, the rapid overthrow of villenage, and the appearance of
tenant-farmers and paid farm labourers as distinct classes. These and
many more changes, which cannot be discussed in a narrative of the
king's life, mark the reign as a period in which old things were passing
away and the England of our own day began to be formed.
In spite of the treaty of 1327 matters remained unsettled between the
kings of England and France; Philip delayed the promised restitutions
and disturbed Edward's possessions in Aquitaine. Saintes was taken by
the Duke of Alençon in 1329, and Edward in consequence applied to
parliament for a subsidy in case of war. On 1 May 1330 negotiations were
concluded at Bois-de-Vincennes, but the question of the nature of the
homage was left unsettled by Edward (Federa, ii. 791), who was
summoned to do liege homage on 29 July and did not attend (ib. p. 797).
When, however, he became his own master, he adopted a wiser policy,
and on 31 March 1331 acknowledged that he held the duchy of Guyenne
and the county of Ponthieu by liege homage as a peer of France (ib. p.
813). On Mortimer's downfall he appointed two of the Lancastrian party
as his chief ministers, Archbishop Melton as treasurer, and Stratford as
chancellor. He now crossed to France with Stratford and a few
companions disguised as merchants, pretending, as he caused to be
proclaimed in London, that he was about to perform a vow (ib. p. 815), for
he feared that his people would believe, as in fact they did, that he was
gone to do liege homage (HEMINGBURGH, ii. 303). He embarked on 4 April.
While he was in France Philip accepted his acknowledgment as to the
homage, and promised to restore Saintes and to pay damages (ib. p. 816).
Edward returned on the 20th, and celebrated his return by tournaments
at Dartford in Kent and in Cheapside (AVESBURY, p. 10). The restitution of
Agenois, however, remained unsettled, and in the parliament of 30 Sept.
the chancellor asked the estates whether the matter should be settled by
war or negotiation, and they declared for negotiation (Rot. Parl. ii. 61). The
king was advised to visit Ireland, where the royal interest had begun to
decline, but the matter was deferred. Lawlessness had broken out in the
northern counties, and he had to take active measures against some
outlaws who had seized and put to ransom his chief justice, Sir Richard
Willoughby, near Grantham (KNIGHTON, c. 2559). Early in 1332 he invited
Flemish weavers to settle in England in order to teach the manufacture of
fine cloth; for the prosperity of the kingdom largely depended on its
wool, and the crown drew much revenue from the trade in it. The foreign
workmen were at first regarded with much dislike, but the king protected
them, and they greatly improved the woollen manufacture. Edward
received an invitation from Philip to join him in a crusade, and though
willing to agree put the matter off for three years at the request of the
parliament which met 16 March. On 25 June he laid a tallage on his
demesne. In order to avoid this unconstitutional measure the parliament
of 9 Sept. granted him a subsidy, and in return he recalled his order and
promised not to levy tallage save as his ancestors had done and
according to his right (Rot. Parl. ii. 66). Meanwhile Lord Beaumont
brought Edward Baliol [q.v.] to England, and Baliol offered to do the king
homage if he would place him on the Scottish throne. Edward refused,
and even ordered that he and his party should be prevented from
crossing the marches, declaring that he would respect the treaty of
Northampton (Federa, ii. 843), for he was bound to pay 20,000l. to the
pope if he broke it. Nevertheless he dealt subtly. Baliol was crowned on
24 Sept. in opposition to the young king David II, and on 23 Nov.
declared at Roxburgh that he owed his crown to the help given him by
Edward's subjects and allowed by Edward, and that he was his liegeman,
and promised him the town of Berwick, and offered to marry his sister
Joan, David's queen (ib. p. 847). Edward summoned a parliament to meet at
York on 4 Dec. to advise him what policy he should pursue; few
attended, and it was adjourned to 20 Jan. Meanwhile Baliol lost his
kingdom and fled into England.
The parliament advised Edward to write to the pope and the French
king, declaring that the Scots had broken the treaty. This they seem
actually to have done on 21 March by a raid on Gilsland in Cumberland
(HEMINGBURGH, ii. 307). The raid was revenged; Sir William Douglas was
taken, and Edward, who was then at Pontefract waiting for his army to
assemble, ordered that he should be kept in fetters (Federa, ii. 856). On 23
April Edward laid siege to Berwick. The garrison promised to surrender if
not relieved by a certain day, and gave hostages. Sir Archibald Douglas
attempted to relieve the town, and some of his men entered it; he then led
his force to plunder Northumberland. The garrison refused to surrender
on the ground that they had received succour, and Edward hanged one of
the hostages, the son of Sir Thomas Seton, before the town (BRIDLINGTON,
p. 113; FORDUN, iv. 1022; HAILES, iii. 96 sq.). Douglas now recrossed the
Tweed, came to the relief of Berwick, and encamped at Dunsepark on 18
July. Edward occupied Halidon Hill, to the west of the town. His army was
in great danger, and was hemmed in by the sea, the Tweed, the garrison
of Berwick, and the Scottish host, which far outnumbered the English
(HEMINGBURGH, ii. 309). On the 20th he drew up his men in four battles,
placing his archers on the wings of each; all fought on foot, and he
himself in the van. The English archers began the fight; the Scots fell in
great numbers, and others fled; the rest charged up the hill and engaged
the enemy hand to hand. They were defeated with tremendous loss;
many nobles were slain, and it was commonly said in England that the
war was over, for that there was not a Scot left to raise a force or lead it to
battle (MURIMUTH, p. 71). Edward ordered a general thanksgiving for this
victory (Federa, ii. 866). Berwick was at once surrendered, and he offered
privileges to English merchants and others who would colonise it. He
received the homage of the Earl of March and other lords, and, having
restored Baliol to the throne, returned southwards and visited several
shrines, especially in Essex. In November he moved northwards, and
kept Christmas at York. He was highly displeased with the pope for
appointing Adam of Orlton by provision to the see of Winchester at the
request of the French king. In February 1334 he received Baliol's
surrender of all Scotland comprised in the ancient district of Lothian. On
the 21st he held a parliament at York, and agreed that purveyance, a
prerogative that pressed sorely on the people, should only be made on
behalf of the king (Rot. Parl. ii. 378). He kept Whitsuntide at Newcastle,
and there on 12 June Baliol renewed his concessions and did homage
(Federa, ii. 888). Edward, after appointing officers to administer the
government in Lothian, returned to Windsor. On 10 July he held a council
at Nottingham, where he again spoke of the proposed crusade, for he
believed that matters were now settled with Scotland. A parliament was
summoned, and when it met on 24 Sept. Baliol had again been expelled.
The king obtained a grant, and about 1 Nov. marched into Scotland. Just
before he started Robert of Artois, who had a bitter quarrel with King
Philip, sought refuge at his court; he received him with honour, and
Robert never ceased to stir him up against the French king. Edward
passed through Lothian without meeting opposition, again restored
Baliol, and spent Christmas at Roxburgh. At mid-Lent 1335 he gave
audience at Gedling, near Nottingham, to ambassadors from Philip sent to
urge him to make peace with Scotland; he refused, but granted a truce (ib.
ii. 903). In July he entered Scotland by Carlisle, marched to Glasgow, was
joined by Baliol, proceeded to Perth, ravaged the north, and returned to
Perth, where on 18 Aug. he received the submission of the Earl of Atholl,
whom he left governor under Baliol. Both Philip and Benedict XII, who
was wholly under Philip's control, were now pressing him to make peace.
The Scots were helped by money from France, and their ships were fitted
out in French ports (ib. p. 911); an invasion was expected in August, and
captains were appointed to command the Londoners in case it took place
(ib. p. 917). The king's son, the young Earl of Chester, was sent to
Nottingham Castle for safety, and the Isle of Wight and the Channel
islands were fortified (ib. p. 919). Edward's seneschals in Aquitaine were
also aggrieved by the French king. On 23 Nov. Edward made a truce with
his enemies in Scotland, which was prolonged at the request of the pope
(ib. pp. 926, 928). He spent Christmas at Newcastle. The party of Bruce,
however, gained strength, Atholl was surprised and slain, and before the
end of the year Baliol's cause was again depressed. Edward, who had
returned to the south in February, on 7 April appointed Henry of
Lancaster to command an army against the Scots (ib. p. 936), and in June
entered Scotland himself with a large force, marched to Perth, and then
by Dunkeld, through Atholl and Moray to Elgin and Inverness, ravaging
as he went. The regent, Sir Andrew Murray, refused to give him battle,
and, leaving a garrison in Perth and a fleet in the Forth, he returned to
England. Meanwhile Philip expelled Edward's seneschals from Agenois,
and in August openly declared that he should help the Scots (ib. p. 944).
On the 16th Edward, hearing that ships were being fitted out in Norman
and Breton ports to act against England, bade his admirals put to sea,
reminding them that his ‘progenitors, kings of England, had been lords of
the English sea on every side,’ and that he would not allow his honour to
be diminished (NICOLAS, Royal Navy, ii. 17). Some of these ships attacked
certain English ships off the Isle of Wight and carried off prizes. War
with France now seemed certain, and the parliament that met at
Nottingham on 6 Sept. granted the king a tenth and a fifteenth, besides
the subsidy of the same amount granted in March, together with 40s. a
sack on wool exported by denizens and 60s. from aliens. A body of
merchants was specially summoned by the king to this parliament,
probably in order to obtain their consent to the custom on wool (Const.
Hist. ii. 379). Moreover, Edward seized all the money laid up in the
cathedral churches for the crusade. In March 1337 the exportation of
wool was forbidden by statute until the king and council should
determine what should be done. A heavy custom was laid on the sack
and woolfells by ordinance, an unconstitutional act, though to some
extent sanctioned by parliament (ib. p. 526). The importation of cloth was
also forbidden by statute, but foreign workmen were encouraged to settle
here.
Edward now set about forming alliances in order to hem Philip in on
the north and east, and sent Montacute, whom he created Earl of
Salisbury, and others to make alliance with foreign powers, giving them
authority, in spite of the interests of the English merchants, to make
arrangements about the wool trade (ib. p. 966; LONGMAN, i. 108). Lewis,
count of Flanders, was inclined to the French alliance, but his people
knew their own interest better, for their wealth depended on English
wool, and the year before, when the count had arrested English
merchants, the king had seized all their merchants and ships (Federa, ii.
948). James van Artevelde, a rich and highly connected citizen of Ghent,
and the leader of the Flemish traders who were opposed to the count,
entered into negotiations with Edward and procured him the alliance of
Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, and Cassel (JEHAN LE BEL, p. 1327; FROISSART, i. 394).
Edward also gained the Duke of Brabant as an ally by permitting staples
for wool to be set up in Brussels, Mechlin, and Louvain (Federa, p. 959),
and made treaties for supplies of troops with his brothers-in-law the
Count of Gueldres and the margrave of Juliers, and his father-in-law the
Count of Hainault (ib. p. 970). Further, he negotiated with the Count
Palatine about his appointment as imperial vicar, and on 26 Aug. made a
treaty for the hire of troops with the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria (ib. p. 991).
This highly displeased Benedict XII, who was at deadly feud with Lewis,
and was besides quite in the hands of Philip, and he remonstrated with
Edward, who replied courteously but without giving way. Edward tried
hard to gain the Count of Flanders, and proposed a marriage between the
count's son and his little daughter Joan (ib. pp. 967, 998), though at the
same time he offered her to Otto, duke of Austria, for his son (ib. p. 1001).
In March the French burnt Portsmouth and ravaged Guernsey and Jersey
(ib. p. 989; NICOLAS). The king made great preparations for war; on 1 July
he took all the property of the alien priories into his own hands; pawned
his jewels, and in order to interest his people in his cause issued a
schedule of the offers of peace he had made to Philip, which he ordered
should be read in all county courts (Federa, p. 994). On 7 Oct. he wrote
letters to his allies, styling himself ‘king of France’ (ib. p. 1001). Count
Lewis, who was now expelled from Flanders by his subjects, kept a
garrison at Cadsand under his brother Sir Guy, the bastard of Flanders,
which tried to intercept the king's ambassadors and did harm to his allies
the Flemings. Edward declared he ‘would soon settle that business,’ and
sent a fleet under Sir Walter Manny and Henry of Lancaster, earl of
Derby, against it. They gained a complete victory on 10 Nov., and
brought back Sir Guy prisoner. Then two cardinals came to England to
make peace, and Edward promised that he would not invade France until
1 March 1338, and afterwards extended the term (ib. pp. 1009, 1014).
Philip, however, continued his aggressions on the king's French
dominions, and war became imminent. In February parliament granted the
king half the wool of the kingdom, twenty thousand sacks, to be
delivered at Antwerp, where he hoped to sell it well, and on 16 July he
sailed from Orwell in Suffolk with two hundred large ships for Antwerp,
for he intended to invade France from that side in company with his
allies. He found that they were by no means ready to act with him, the
princes who held of the emperor being unwilling to act without his direct
sanction, and he remained for some time in enforced inactivity, spending
large sums on the pay of his army, and keeping much state at the
monastery of St. Bernard at Antwerp. Meanwhile some French and
Spanish galleys sacked Southampton and captured some English ships,
and among them the ëcogí Christopher, the largest of the king's vessels
(Cont. WILL. OF NANGIS; MINOT, Political Songs, i. 64 sq.). At last on 5
Sept. a meeting took place between Edward and the emperor at Coblentz.
The interview was held in the market-place with much magnificence
(KNIGHTON, c. 2571; FROISSART, i. 425). Lewis appointed Edward imperial
vicar, and expected him to kiss his foot, which he refused to do on the
ground that he was ëan anointed kingí (WALSINGHAM, i. 223). Edward now
held courts at Arques and other places, heard causes as the emperor's
representative, and received homages. Still his allies did not move,
though they agreed to recover Cambray for the empire in the following
summer. Influenced probably by the pope's remonstrances (ib. i. 208 seq.),
Edward in October sent ambassadors to treat with Philip, and though he
at first forbade them to address Philip as king, he afterwards allowed them
to do so, probably at Benedict's request (Federa, ii. 1066, 1068). Nothing
came of their mission. In 1339 he was in want of money, pawned his
crowns, and borrowed fifty-four thousand florins of three burghers of
Mechlin (ib. pp. 1073, 1085). After many delays he and his allies laid siege
to Cambray (cannon are said to have been used by the besieging army,
NICOLAS, Royal Navy, i. 184; it is also said by BARBOUR, iii. 136, ed.
Pinkerton, that ëcrakys of warí had been used by Edward in Scotland in
1327; this, however, is highly doubtful, BRACKENBURY, Ancient Cannon in
Europe, pt. i.). Finding Cambray difficult to take, the allies gave up the
siege, and in October Edward crossed the Scheldt into France. On coming
to the river he was left by the Counts of Namur and Hainault, who held of
the French crown. He pillaged Vermandois, and advanced to La
Flamengrie. Here he was confronted by Philip, and sent a herald to
demand battle. Philip appointed a day, and he drew up his army with
much skill in a strong position, placing the horses and baggage in a wood
at his rear, and commanding the van in person on foot (AVESBURY, p. 45).
When the appointed day came, Philip would not attack him though the
French army was much stronger than his, and knowing that he could put
but little confidence in his allies he led them back to Hainault, parted from
them, and returned to Brussels. After entering into a close alliance with
the Duke of Brabant and the cities of Brabant and Flanders, he spent
Christmas at Antwerp with much pomp. Van Artevelde now pointed out
that if he wanted the help of the Flemings he must take the title of ëking
of France,í which he had as yet only used incidentally, for he would then
become their superior lord, and they would not incur a penalty which
they had bound themselves to pay to the pope in case they made war on
the king of France. This was insisted on by the Flemish cities and lords at
a parliament at Brussels, and on 26 Jan. 1340 Edward assumed the title of
king of France, and quartered the lilies of France with the leopards of
England (NICOLAS, Chronology, p. 318; BARNES, p. 155).
Meanwhile several attacks had been made on the English coast by
French and Genoese ships; the war with Scotland still went on in a
languid fashion, and the people, who saw no return for the sacrifices
they had made for the French war, were getting tired of it. In the January
parliament of this year the commons made their offer of supplies
conditional on the acceptance of certain articles. This determined the king
to return. His debts, however, now amounted to 30,000l., and his creditors
wanted some security before they let him go. He left his queen behind,
and further left the Earls of Derby and Salisbury and others as pledges
that he would shortly return (Cont. WILL. OF NANGIS, ii. 167). He landed at
Orwell on 21 Feb. and held a parliament in March, which granted him
large supplies for two years, and among them the ninth sheaf, fleece, and
lamb, and 40s. on the sack of wool, while on his side certain statutes were
framed to meet the complaints of the commonsætallages were not to be
levied by the king on his demesne; the assumption of the title of king of
France was not to bring England into subjection to France; the crown
was not to abuse its rights of purveyance, presentation to vacant
benefices, and the like (Const. Hist. ii. 382; Rot. Parl. ii. 113). After raising
all the money he could, Edward was about to embark again, and was at
Ipswich at Whitsuntide, when the chancellor, Stratford, who had been
translated to the see of Canterbury in 1333, and his admiral, Sir John
Morley, told him that they had news that the French fleet was in the
Sluys waiting to intercept him, and begged him not to sail. ëI will go,í he
said, ëand you who are afraid without cause may stay at homeí (AVESBURY,
p. 55). He sailed in the cog Thomas on the 22nd, with about two hundred
vessels, and was joined by the northern squadron of about fifty sail
under Morley. Next day off Blankenberg he saw the masts of the enemy's
fleet in the Sluys, and sent knights to reconnoitre from the coast. As after
their return the tide did not serve, Edward did not attack that day, and
prepared for battle about 11 A.M. on the 24th. The French fleet of 190
galleys and great barges was superior to his in strength (JEHAN LE BEL, i.
171), for many of his ships were small. Nineteen of their ships were the
biggest that had ever been seen, and grandest of all was the Christopher
that had been taken from the English. Edward's fleet seems to have been
ëto the leeward and westwardí of the enemy, and about noon he ordered
his ships to sail on the starboard tack, so as to get the wind, which
presumably was north-east, and avoid having the sun in the faces of the
archers. Then, having made their tack and got the wind, his ships entered
the port and engaged just inside it. The French ships seem to have
hugged the shore, and could not maneuvre, for they were lashed together
in four lines. All in three of the lines were taken or sunk, the Christopher
and other English ships being retaken; the fourth line escaped in the
darkness, for the battle lasted into the night. The king's victory was
complete, and the naval power of France was destroyed (NICOLAS, Royal
Navy, ii. 48 seq., 501, where references are given). Edward's campaign was
futile. The last grant was not yet turned into money, and was already
pledged, and the king wrote urgently for supplies (Federa, ii. 1130). On 23
July he and his allies besieged Tournay, and on the 26th he wrote a letter
to ëPhilip of Valoisí inviting him to meet him in single combat or with a
hundred men each, and so to end the war. Philip answered that the letter
was not addressed to him, and that he would drive him out of France at
his own will (ib. p. 1131). The siege lasted eleven weeks. No money came
to Edward; Robert of Artois was defeated at St. Omer; Philip had overrun
a large part of Guyenne; and the Scots were gaining ground rapidly. On
25 Sept. a truce was made between England and France and Scotland, and
the king dismissed his army. He was forced to leave the Earl of Derby in
prison in Flanders for his debts (ib. p. 1143), and, after a stormy passage of
three days, arrived unexpectedly at the Tower of London on the night of
30 Nov. (ib. p. 1141).
The next day Edward dismissed his chancellor, the Bishop of
Chichester, brother of Archbishop Stratford, who had lately resigned the
chancellorship, and his treasurer, and imprisoned several judges and
others. This sudden move was caused by his irritation at not having
received the supplies he needed, and by the influence of the archbishop's
enemies, of whom some were opposed to clerical administration and
others were jealous of him and belonged to a court party. The archbishop
took refuge at Canterbury, and on 14 Dec. the king gave the great seal to
Sir Robert Bourchier [q.v.], the first lay chancellor, and appointed a lay
treasurer. He required Stratford to pay to the merchants of Louvain debts
for which he had become surety on Edward's own behalf, declaring that
otherwise he, the king, should have to go to prison, and summoned him
to appear. Stratford replied by preaching irritating sermons and forbidding
the clergy to pay the late grant. Edward on 12 Feb. 1341 put forth a letter
or pamphlet, called the libellus famosus, against Stratford, accusing the
archbishop of urging him to undertake the war, and of having occasioned
his failure before Tournay by retarding supplies, and containing much
vague and unworthy abuse. Stratford's answer was dignified, and his
case was strong, for it is pretty evident that the king's dissatisfaction
with him was partly caused by his desire for peace. The king made a weak
rejoinder. He had incited the Duke of Brabant to summon Stratford to
answer in his court for the bonds into which he had entered; he wrote to
Benedict XII against him, cited him to answer charges in the exchequer
court, tried to prevent his taking his seat in the parliament of 23 April, and
caused articles of accusation to be laid before the commons. Stratford
declared that he would only answer for his conduct before his peers. The
lords reported that this was their privilege, and thus secured it for their
order. The king was checked, and on 7 May was reconciled to the
archbishop (BIRCHINGTON, p. 20 seq.; AVESBURY, p. 71; HEMINGBURGH, ii.
363 seq.; Federa, ii. 1143, 1147, 1152; Const. Hist. ii. 384; COLLIER, iii. 71).
In return for help in collecting the grant of 1340 for this year, he conceded
a statute providing that ministers should be appointed in parliament with
the advice of his lords and counsellors, should be sworn in parliament,
and should be liable to be called upon to answer for their actions. On 1
Oct., however, he issued letters annulling this statute and declaring
openly that he had ëdissembledí in order to gain his purpose (Federa, ii.
177). No parliament was summoned for two years after this shameful
breach of faith.
King David's cause was now prospering in Scotland, and in the
autumn Edward marched northwards, intending to carry on the war on a
large scale after Christmas (ib. ii. 1181). He is said to have relieved the
castle of Wark, then besieged during a Scottish raid, and to have fallen in
love with the Countess of Salisbury, who held it for her husband, then a
captive in France, but she did not return his passion (JEHAN LE BEL, i. 266,
FROISSART, ii. 131, who both tell the story at considerable length). Jehan le
Bel says that he afterwards violated the lady (ii. 131); Froissart
indignantly denies this, but only in the late Amiens recension (iii. 293).
Considerable doubt has been thrown upon the story because the
countess was much older than the king, and because in May Edward
made an agreement for the earl's release (Federa, ii. 1193). The friendship
that existed between the king and the earl would give a peculiarly dark
character to Edward's crime if it was committed. It is possible that Jehan
le Bel may have been mistaken as to the countess, but scarcely possible
that Edward did not commit the crime of which he is accused upon some
lady or other. The fleet which he ordered to meet him was damaged by a
gale; Stirling and Edinburgh were taken by the Scots, and he made a truce
at Newcastle. After spending Christmas at Melrose he returned to
England. In the course of 1341 Lewis of Bavaria, who had repented of his
alliance with him soon after he had made it, revoked his appointment as
imperial vicar and allied himself with France. Edward's attempts to
penetrate into France through Flanders had only involved him in debt,
and his Flemish and German allies had failed to give him efficient help.
Now a new way of attack was opened to him, for in September John of
Montfort came to him offering to hold Brittany of him if he would help
him against Charles of Blois, to whom the duchy had been adjudged (ib. ii.
1176). On 20 March 1342 Edward sent a force over to Brittany under Sir
Walter Manny, and in October he landed in person at Brest (KNIGHTON, c.
2582), laid siege to Vannes, Rennes, and Nantes, without taking any of
them, and ravaged the country. The Duke of Normandy, Philip's son,
advanced against him with a much larger force, but did not dare to attack
him, for he posted his troops well. Still John kept the king shut in a corner
near Vannes while the Genoese and Spanish fleets intercepted ships
bringing provisions from England, and both armies suffered
considerably. On 19 Jan. 1343 a truce for three years was made at
Ste.-Madeleine, near Vannes, by the intervention of Pope Clement VI,
and Edward re-embarked. After a tempestuous voyage, which is said to
have lasted five weeks (ib. c. 2583), he landed at Weymouth on 2 March
(Federa, ii. 1222). In the parliament of 28 April the commons petitioned,
among other articles, that the merchants should not grant the tax of 40s. on
the sack of wool without their consent, and that statutes might not be
annulled, as after the last parliament held in 1341. In conjunction with the
lords they also petitioned against the papal usurpation of appointing to
benefices by provision. On 10 Sept. the king wrote to the pope against
reservations and provisions, complaining that by their means the
revenues of the church were given to foreigners, that the rights of
patrons were defeated, and that the authority of the royal courts was
diminished (WALSINGHAM, i. 255). Moreover on 30 Jan. 1344 he ordered
that all persons bringing bulls of provision into the kingdom should be
arrested (Federa, iii. 2). In this month the king held a ëRound Table,í or
tournament and feast, at Windsor with extraordinary magnificence, and
vowed at the altar of the castle chapel that he would restore the ëRound
Tableí of Arthur. With this intention he built the round tower of the
castle, and he afterwards fulfilled his vow by instituting the order of the
Garter (MURIMUTH, p. 154; WALSINGHAM, i. 263; Federa, iii. 6). Great
preparations were made for renewing the war; for messengers came to him
from Gascony representing the rapid increase of the French power there,
and he was further moved by the news of the fate of the Breton lords
who were put to death in Paris. Nevertheless on 6 Aug. he gave authority
to ambassadors to treat for peace before Clement, as a private person, not
as pope (Federa, iii. 18, 19). In April 1345 he appointed Derby to
command in Gascony; on 20 May he received at Lambeth the homage of
John of Montfort, and on the 26th wrote to the pope that Philip had
notoriously broken truce in Brittany, Gascony, and elsewhere, and that
he declared war upon him (ib. pp. 36-41). Having sent the Earl of
Northampton with a force to Brittany, he embarked at Sandwich with the
Prince of Wales on 3 July (ib. p. 50), and crossed to Sluys; for affairs in
Flanders threatened the loss of the Flemish alliance. A scheme was
arranged between him and Van Artevelde for persuading the people of
Flanders to accept the prince as their lord. Van Artevelde, however, was
murdered at Ghent, and Edward returned home on the 26th. In this year
the Bardi of Florence, the most powerful bankers in Italy, failed, chiefly
through Edward's debts to them, for he owed them nine hundred
thousand gold florins; the Peruzzi, to whom he owed six hundred
thousand florins, also failed, and the stoppage of these two houses
ruined many smaller ones, so that the king's default brought widespread
misery on Florence (GIO. VILLANI, xii. c. 54).
In the summer of 1346 Edward intended to lead an army to help Derby
in Guyenne, but shortly before he set out he was persuaded by Sir
Geoffrey Harcourt, who had entered his service, to strike at the north of
France, which was then unprepared to meet attack, for the Duke of
Normandy and his army were engaged in the south (on the mistake of
Froissart and Avesbury about this see NICOLAS, Royal Navy, ii. 88). He
sailed on 11 July from the Isle of Wight (Federa, iii. 85; not the 7th as
Cont. MURIMUTH, p. 175), with, it is said, one thousand ships, four
thousand men-at-arms, ten thousand bowmen, and a considerable force
of Welsh and Irish badly armed foot-soldiers, and landed the next day at
La Hogue (AVESBURY, p. 123); the French vessels in the harbour were
taken, the larger part of his fleet was dismissed, and the rest sent to
ravage the coast. The army marched in three columns, the king
commanding the centre; the wings diverged during the day, so that each
ravaged a different tract, and united with the centre at night. Barfleur was
taken on the 14th, and Valonges on the 18th, then Carentan and St. Lo,
where the army was refreshed by finding a thousand tuns of wine, and on
the 26th Edward came to Caen. He took the town easily by assault the
next day, and sacked it thoroughly. Here he is said to have found a paper
containing a plan for a second Norman conquest of England in 1337; this
he sent home to be read in all churches (ib. p. 130); it is not unlikely that it
was a forgery designed to rouse the popular spirit. At Caen he dismissed
the remainder of the fleet, which had done much harm to the French
shipping along the Norman coast. In spite of a remark attributed by
Froissart (iii. 145) to Harcourt, that Edward intended to march to Calais,
his only idea as yet was to do as much mischief as he could in northern
France, and then retire into Flanders before Philip could raise an army to
intercept him. Had he intended to besiege Calais, he would not have
dismissed his ships. He left Caen on the 31st, and on 2 Aug. arrived at
Lisieux, where he was met by two cardinals with offers of peace, which he
rejected. He then marched towards Rouen, but finding the bridge broken
down, and the French in some force there, he turned up the left bank of
the Seine, ravaging the country as he went. Everywhere he found the
bridges broken, and as by this time a French force had gathered and
followed his march on the opposite side of the river, he had no time to
repair them. On the 13th he arrived at Poissy and by detaching a body of
troops to threaten Paris, which was only about twelve miles distant, he
gained time to repair the bridge there, and on the 16th crossed the river.
He now struck northwards, and marched through the Beauvoisin, while
Philip, who had now collected an army much larger than his, pursued him
closely, intending to crush the little English force in a corner between the
Somme and the sea. He halted at Airanes, and sent two marshals with a
large body of troops to endeavour to find or force a passage across the
Somme. When they returned unsuccessful he was much troubled; for
both he and all his army saw that they were in pressing danger. Early on
the 23rd he left Airanes in haste, and the French, who arrived there
shortly afterwards, found the meat that the English were about to eat on
the spits. His object now was to gain Abbeville. On arriving before it he
reconnoitred the town in person from the hills of Caubert, and finding
that he could not take it fell back on Oisemont, which he carried easily by
assault. Here a man offered to guide his army to a ford called
Blanquetaque, above the village of Port, where he could cross at low
water. He gave the order to march at midnight, and on arriving at the
passage found it guarded by Godemar du Fay. After a sharp struggle the
passage was forced (AVESBURY; FROISSART; by Cont. of WILL. OF NANGIS,
ii. 200, Godemar is unjustly accused of making only a slight resistance),
and he and his army crossed into Ponthieu. Edward was now able to
choose his own ground for fighting; for Philip, who had been just too late
to prevent his crossing the river, was not able to follow him immediately,
and turned aside to Abbeville. Edward took the castle of Noyelles, held a
council of war, and the next day, the 25th, marched along the road
between Havre and Flanders to CrÈcy. On Saturday the 26th Philip
advanced from Abbeville to give him battle. Edward had chosen and
strengthened his position with great skill. His army occupied some high
ground on the right bank of the Maye: the right wing was covered by the
river and the village of CrÈcy, where it was defended by a series of
curtains, the left extended towards Wadicourt, and here, where it might
have been open to a flank attack, it was barricaded by piles of wagons;
the English front commanded a slight ravine called the VallÈe-aux-Clercs;
the baggage and horses, for all fought on foot, were placed in the rear on
the left in a wood, and were imparked with thickets and felled trees. His
position thus resembled an entrenched camp. In case of defeat he
commanded the ancient causeway now called the Chemin de l'ArmÈe, by
which he could have crossed the Authie at Ponche (SEYMOUR DE
CONSTANT; LOUANDRE; ArchÊologia, vol. xxxviii.). Early in the morning he
and his son received the sacrament. Then he drew up his army in three
divisions, placing the right wing or van under the command of the prince;
the third division, which he commanded in person, forming a reserve. He
rode through the lines on a palfrey, encouraging the men, and at 10 A.M. all
sat down in their ranks to eat and drink. The archers were thrown
forwards in the form of a harrow, and some small cannon were posted
between them (FROISSART, iii. 416; Amiens MS.; GIO. VILLANI, xii. c. 65, 66;
Istorie Pistolesi, p. 516. This assertion has been much questioned, chiefly
because it does not appear in the earliest text of Froissart, and because it
is held to be unlikely that Edward would have taken cannon with him in
his hasty march. The presence of the Genoese in the French army,
however, invests the two contemporary Italian narratives with special
authority, and it should be remembered that the cannon then used were
extremely small. It is certain that Edward took cannon with him from
England; BRACKENBURY; ArchÊologia, vol. xxxii.). Edward watched the
battle from a mill. It began after the heavy shower which came on at 3 P.M.
had cleared away, and lasted until nightfall. It was decided by bad
generalship and want of discipline on the French side, and on the English
side by the skill of the bowmen and the steady valour of the two front
divisions [see under Edward, Prince of Wales]. Edward appears to have
led forward his division when the French king took part in the fight; the
two first lines of the French army had by that time been utterly broken,
and the remainder was soon routed. He remained on the field the next
day, and large numbers of the French, some of whom were fugitives,
while others were advancing to join the king's army not knowing that it
had already been routed, were massacred almost without resistance;
many prisoners were also made on this day. The whole loss of the French
exceeded, we are told, and was probably about equal to, the number of
the English army (AVESBURY, p. 140), and among the slain were the king of
Bohemia, the Duke of Lorraine, the Counts of AlenÁon, Harcourt,
Flanders, Blois, Aumale, and Nevers, eighty bannerets, and perhaps
about thirty thousand men of lower rank. Edward caused the knights who
had fallen to be buried honourably, and gave special funeral honours to
the king of Bohemia.
On the 28th the king began his march towards Calais, arrived before
the town on 3 Sept. and determined to lay siege to it (ib. p. 136); it was a
strong place, and the inhabitants had done much harm to the English and
Flemings by their piracies (GIO. VILLANI, xii. c. 95). He built a regular town
before the walls (FROISSART, iv. 2,203), sent for a fleet to blockade the
harbour, and laid siege to the town with about thirty thousand men. He
used cannon in the siege which threw balls of three or four ounces
weight, and arrows fitted with leather and winged with brass
(BRACKENBURY). When the governor expelled five hundred persons from
the town in order to husband his provisions, the king fed them and gave
them money for their journey (JEHAN LE BEL, ii. 96; FROISSART magnifies the
number to seventeen hundred, iv. 3, 204). Knighton (c. 2593), speaking
probably of a later event, says that when, at the time that the town was
suffering from famine, five hundred persons were expelled, Edward
refused to allow them to pass his lines, and they all perished. Meanwhile
the Scots, who at Philip's instance had invaded England, were routed at
Nevill's Cross, Durham, on 17 Oct., and there King David was taken
prisoner and confined in the Tower; Derby made himself master of nearly
all Guyenne, and in the summer of 1347 the English cause prospered in
Brittany, and Charles of Blois was made prisoner. In April some stores
were brought into Calais by sea, and after this Edward ordered a stricter
blockade; his fleet dispersed a convoy of forty-four ships laden with
provisions on 25 June (AVESBURY, p. 156), and the next day a letter was
intercepted from the governor to the French king informing him of the
starving condition of the garrison, and asking for relief. Edward sent the
letter on to Philip, bidding him come to the relief of the town (KNIGHTON, c.
2593). In July Philip led an army towards Calais. A portion of it sent to
dislodge the Flemings who were acting with Edward at Quesnoy was
defeated. He appeared at Sangatte on the 27th. Two cardinals in vain tried
to make terms in his interests. He was unable to get at the English, who
were securely posted behind the marshes, and challenged Edward to
come out to battle. Edward declared that he accepted the challenge
(AVESBURY, p. 163); it is probable that he answered more wisely (JEHAN LE
BEL, ii. 131; FROISSART, iv. 50, 278). Anyway, two days later, on 2 Aug., the
French decamped. The next day the town surrendered at discretion. The
garrison came forth with swords reversed, and a deputation of the
townsmen with bare heads and ropes in their hands. Edward at first
intended, or made as though he intended, to put the inhabitants to the
sword as a punishment for their piracies, but spared them at the
intercession of his queen (JEHAN LE BEL, ii. 135; FROISSART, iv. 57, 287; see
also LUCE'S note in his Summary, p. xxv; there is no adequate reason for
doubting any material part of this famous story, comp. KNIGHTON, c. 2595;
STOW, p. 244; GIO. VILLANI, xii. c. 95; nor is the incident of the self-devotion
of Eustace de St.-Pierre improbable). During the summer his army
suffered much sickness, arising from lack of good water. With some few
exceptions he banished the people of Calais; and sent over to England
offering grants and privileges to those who would colonise the town
(Federa, iii. 130). After agreeing to a truce for nine months, mediated by
Clement and signed 28 Sept. (ib. p. 136), he returned home with his wife
and son, and after a stormy passage landed at Sandwich on 12 Oct. (ib. p.
139; Cont. MURIMUTH, p. 178).
All England was filled with the spoils of Edward's expedition, so that
there was not a woman who did not wear some ornament, or have in her
house fine linen or some goblet, part of the booty the king sent home
from Caen or brought back from Calais (WALSINGHAM, i. 272). Flushed with
triumph Edward and his courtiers gave themselves up to extravagance
and pleasure. During the three months after his return splendid
tournaments were held at Bury, at Eltham, where ëgartersí were worn by
twelve of the knights, and at Windsor (NICOLAS, Orders of Knighthood, i.
11 sq.). Much license prevailed at some of the meetings of this sort,
which were attended by many ladies of loose life and bold manners,
greatly to the scandal of the nation (KNIGHTON, c. 2597). The king freely
indulged his love for fine dress and the trappings of chivalry. On St.
George's day, 23 April 1349, he carried out the plan for an order of
knighthood formed in 1344 by the institution of the order of the Garter;
the ceremonies and festivities were magnificent. Edward himself bore a
ëwhite swan, gorged or,í with the vaunting motto, ëHay, hay, the wythe
swan: By God's soul I am thy man.í Another of his mottoes was, ëIt is as it
is.í The origin of the ëGarterí and of the motto of the order is unknown.
The story that connects them with the Countess of Salisbury is
worthless, and is first found in ëPolydore Vergil,í p. 485 (ed. 1651). In
connection with the foundation of the order, Edward rebuilt the chapel
of Windsor and dedicated it to St. George, and refounded the college
(ASHMOLE, p. 178). Early in 1348 messengers came to Edward from the
heads of the Bavarian party in the empire inviting him to accept the
imperial dignity; for Lewis of Bavaria was now dead, and their enemy
Clement VI was advocating the election of Charles of Moravia. Edward,
however, declined the honour, declaring that he preferred to prosecute
his own right (KNIGHTON, c. 2596; GIO. VILLANI, xii. c. 105; RAYNALDUS, xxiv. 468). In spite of the spoils of France the expenses of the war bore heavily
on the country. During the king's absence money had been raised by
various illegal methods, and the refusal of the commons in the parliament
of January 1348 to give advice on the war shows that they feared further
expense and would not take a share in the responsibility. After some
(second half missing...)